SECOND DRAFT: In searching a bibliography for my paper I was able to pick up different ideas that had not emerged before, or just in a uncertain way. In particular, looking for “collective movements” I’ve found two interesting survey (see the bibliography) that make me focus on the collective action frames as meaning construction: “frames help to render events or occurrences meaningful and thereby function to organize experience and guide action. Collective action frames also perform this interpretive function by simplifying and condensing aspects of the "world out there," but in ways that are "intended to mobilize potential adherents and constituents, to garner bystander support, and to demobilize antagonists" (Snow & Benford 1988:198). Thus, collective action frames are action-oriented sets of beliefs and meanings that inspire and legitimate the activities and campaigns of a social movement organization (SMO).[…] But ‘collective action frames are not merely aggregations of individual attitudes and perceptions but also the outcome of negotiating shared meaning’ (Gamson 1992a: 111). Collective action frames are constituted by two sets of characteristic features: one concerns the‘core framing tasks’; the second refers to the discursive processes that attend to these core framing tasks and thus are generative of collective action. Discursive processes refer to the talk and conversations - the speech acts - and written communications of movement members that occur primarily in the context of, or in relation to, movement activities”. So, rethinking to my proposal, the aim of the research paper could be to reconstruct, in theoretical terms, with the help of the literature and with the evidence of survey on this field, the way in which a movement orientates beliefs and meanings of its participants, but overall what is the discursive processes by which this happens. The second research paper, on which I would base my considerations, deal with this aspect: to demonstrate how discourse makes some forms of action possible and legitimate and, conversely, how collective action transforms the meaning and structure of discourse. Another interesting text that I would take into account is "The logic of collective action" by Olson, Mancur. Contemporary Sociological Theory, Blackwell, Oxford (2002). It is a useful text, I think, because it develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior, examining the extent to which individuals who share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. Instead, to explore more closely the dynamic of movement participation I would base my considerations on "The social psychology of protest" by Bert Klandermans (1996). So, a draft structure could be: - Introduction - A real case: the participation in the Muos movement (just as incipit) - A brief excursus on the logic of collective action and on the group behaviors (literature and survey) - The role of the frame in meaning construction in collective action. - … - Conclusion - Bibliography
In short, part of the possible bibliography could contains: Benford, Robert D., and David A. Snow. "Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment." Annual review of sociology (2000): 611-639. Ellingson, Stephen. "Understanding the dialectic of discourse and collective action: Public debate and rioting in antebellum Cincinnati." American Journal of Sociology (1995): 100-144. Olson, Mancur. The logic of collective action: public goods and the theory of groups. Vol. 124. Harvard University Press, 2009. Klandermans, Bert. "The social psychology of protest." (1996).
“The whole is greater than the sum of its parts.” Aristotle Societies might seem from a far sight as a collection of groups of people under different labels and institutional structures; families, couples, friends, colleagues, students, workers, professors, politicians, etc. However, dating back to Aristotle in 300th BC, it was proven that society comprehension is deeper cosmos to study and understand. Using consistent observations, analysis’s and empirical studies we are now able to understand that societies and individuals relationships and interactions are more than a sum of actions that is widely influenced by external and internal factors.
Moreover, it’s more interesting for me to perceive how we could utilize such a natural phenomena of social influence to modify and alter believe, behavior and even an action. Therefore, I aim to first introduce theories of group pressure and social influence, then follow it with reflect on three empirical fields where it was studies how social influence can affect behavior.
Kindly find below my proposed structure on “theoretical paper”: • Introduction • Groups dynamic, social influence and its relation on change of behavior • Development need for social influence utilization • Utilization of such influence for behavior change (empirical evidence) o Peer educators in HIV prevention projects o The Utilization of classroom peer as behavior change agents o Social Influence a Key Factor to Behavior Change in Transport ( plug plug-in hybrid vehicles) • Conclusion • Reference Proposed papers: 1. Peer education o http://her.oxfordjournals.org/content/14/2/235.full.pdf+html 2. The Utilization of classroom peer as behavior change agents o http://books.google.it/books?id=-r8LoWPTyNsC&printsec=frontcover&authuser=0#v=onepage&q&f=false 3. Social Influence a Key Factor to Behavior Change in Transport ( plug plug-in hybrid vehicles) o Article summarizing the paper http://sustainablecitiescollective.com/thecityfix/26105/social-influence-key-factor-behavior-change-transport o Paper https://www.google.com.eg/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&ved=0CEUQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Fpubs.its.ucdavis.edu%2Fdownload_pdf.php%3Fid%3D1411&ei=q8qZUu_aJ8TnywOewoLQAw&usg=AFQjCNGaeMkbUIsADgmHH-CK7Z9F8xqFSw&sig2=7elBiLzg53ICXzHKDS0I8g&bvm=bv.57155469,d.bGQ
Involuntary encounters, the concept of social convention and implications for the plural subject. On people that do not want to walk together, but just do when forced.
While Margaret Gilbert (1990) described the getting together of two people walking based on the outspoken and silent social conventions among people, this essay aims to describing the exact same situation with one small but essential different assumption in mind. This essay will be taking into account that some people are forced to interact together while in a 'natural' environment they might not have chosen to do so. As Gilbert (1990) started off with a simple concept as 'walking together', she easily continued into 'social conventions' made underway assuming that it would develop 'automatically'. One may assume that social conventions are formed during involuntary interaction just as easy as while being in voluntary-based interaction but one may contest the experience of a plural subject about which Gilbert writes, a shared sense of 'we', and the automatic formation of the convention. More likely it is, that the interaction itself is more or less a convention on its own, however triggered by an external motivation. Intrinsically, those who are involuntarily walking together, may walk away from each other as soon as they would perceive the chance and then nobody "...has a right to the other’s attention and corrective action." (Gilbert, 1990; p.3). This article will dwell on the implications of interaction between people in an involuntary context, with a special focus on collaboration. This essay will try to do so using a number of ethnographic articles describing office, jail and airfield related situations which are typical situations studied in previous literature on forced interaction. Although - or maybe just because - one experiences an involuntary encounter, like Goffman shows in his Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (Goffman, 1961) participants may develop a certain mechanism while trying to make the best out of a situation and they appear to develop rituals according to Goffman's observations on total institutions (Goffman, 1961). Rituals are fairly easy to built, as rituals do form automatically as long as people keep on repeating actions together. I argue that it is costly to stop a ritual. Going from collaborations to rituals, this essay will perceive rituals as forms of collaborations. This essay may thus be perceived as defying the possibility of social conventions and the rather weak plural subject formation between people who are involuntarily interacting together and the implications this has for the collaboration between people. Literature stresses the importance of consensus, the role of emotions and the external motivation fuelling collaboration which will be therefore discussed to explore what is different in walking together involuntarily compared to voluntarily walking together. I will propose it is only rational to keep on walking together as long as it benefits the individual actors in some way. Without getting too far into an economical explanation or game theory, this article will show that in most of the presented examples of involuntary social interactions (based on the articles), the costs of walking away can be too high and therefore, walking together may prove beneficial up until a certain point. However, the rituals emerging - a perception on involuntary communication derived from Goffman(1961) - may also turn a forced collaboration into a mutual positive experience. Even in a way that collaboration does not end as soon as the costs of walking away are bearable. Especially for this part, I will turn to ethnographic studies on inmate relations within a women's detention centre.
The essay will be written from multiple perspectives within given situations in which people are not intrinsically willing to collaborate but need to do so based on extrinsic motivations. It is expected that motivations and consequences will result in a struggle between individual and collective gain depending on power relations. People that may not want to interact together may express different ways of staging, different ways of action and communication and this may lead to very unstable or no conventions at all or strong social conventions as examples will show. I will finish with some careful exploratory conclusions that could be drawn from these hypothetical examples and reflect on social conventions between actors in involuntary interaction with Margaret Gilbert's Walking Together (1990) in mind.
References Dreyfus, H.L. (1993). Heidegger's Critique of Husserl's (and Searle's) Account of Intentionality. Social Research. 60(1). Gilbert, M. (1990) 'Walking together: a paradigmatic social phenomenon' MidWest Studies in Philosophy, vol.xv,The Philosophy of the Human Sciences, eds. P.A. French, T.E. Uehling, Jr., and H.K. Wettstein, University of Notre Dame Press; Notre Dame, pp. 1-14. Goffman, E. (1961). "Characteristics of total institutions", in Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. Doubleday, Garden City: pp. 3-124. Mahan, S. (1984). Imposition of despair: an ethnography of women in prison. Justice Quarterly. 1, 357–383. Malvini Redden, S. (2012). How lines organize compulsory interaction, emotion management, and "emotional taxes": The implications of passenger emotion and expression in airport security lines. Management Communication Quarterly. 27(1) 121–149. Mitchell, R.E. (1971). Some Social Implications of High Density Housing. American Sociological Review, 36(1), 18-29. Ratliff, D. A., Wampler, K. S., & Morris, G. H. (2000). Lack of consensus in supervision. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 26(3), 373–384. Schwartz B. (1972). Deprivation of Privacy As a Functional Prerequisite: The Case of the Prison. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 63(2), 229-239. Searle, J.R. (1965). What is a Speech Act? Philosophy in America, Max Black (ed.), Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1965; London: Allen and Unwin. Whittaker, S., Frohlich, D. & Daly-Jones, W. (1994). Informal Workplace Communication: What is it Like and How Might We Support It? Proceedings of CHI’94 Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems,131-137, ACM Press: New York.
Draft 2 Title: Death as a rite of passage in the catholic villages of Hungary
The death and the rituals related to death played a very important role in the life of the community until the mid- 20th century. The development of health care, the enhancing degree of urbanization, the extensive western trends however shifted the „ceremony of death”from people home to hospitals.
However, the stories and anecdotes of the parents and grandparents and the rich ethnographic sources revive this rite which played a key role for centuries in the community and creates the opportunity for us to have an insight into the customs of our ancestors.
The structure of my theoretical paper:
1. Introduction 2. Review, searching for a definition of „rites de passage” 3. International literature review 4. Death as a rite of passage in the catholic villages of Hungary - „preparing” the dead - the announcement of death - visitation of the dead - vigil - preparing the coffin - valedictory - escort the dead to the cemetery - entombment - funeral feast 5. Conclusion 6. References
References
Durkheim: The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1915)
Arnold van Gennep: The rites of passage 1909. University of Chicago Press
Editor: Paládi- Kovács Attila, Title:Hungarian ethnology in eight volumes publisher: Akadémia publishing house, Budapest 1988-2002
http://mek.oszk.hu/02100/02152/html/index.html
Ivan Balassa- Gyula Ortutay: Hungarian Ethnography and Folklore Publisher: Intl Specialized Book Service Inc (June 1974)
Framing of Disaster Experience and Responses: The case of Typhoon Haiyan (Philippine code name Yolanda), Visayas, Philippines
Introduction
The Philippines recently experienced a super typhoon locally named “Yolanda” last November 9, 2013. It affected 8 million people and left more than 4,000 dead, mostly in the central part of the country.
The Yolanda disaster has been in the media and in social networking sites, particularly in Facebook.
How do we understand phenomenon and people’s actions? How do we give meaning to our experiences?
Research Problem
How are the Philippine typhoon Haiyan disaster experience and the responses framed by disaster risk management (DRM) organizations in the social networking site (Facebook)?
Research Objectives: Identify and analyze: What topics are talked about? Who are the people involved? How are they described? What are their conditions? What are their roles? How are they positioned? What should we be done?
Significance
Understanding how media and social network frames the disaster experience can be helpful in assessing how the phenomenon is described and constructed. It also gives insights on how solutions and agenda are identified. Such understanding can be helpful in advancing sustainable disaster risk reduction and management in the Philippines. The results from this study can provide inputs to disaster responders in their education and advocacy work.
Methodology
Content analysis of 2 facebook profiles of disaster organizations/responders, particularly:
1. College of Social Work and Community Development (CSWCD)- academic institution 2. Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD)- national government
Data analysis method: Thematic analysis
Related Literature
From Christoplos et al. (2001) Risk and DRM are framed either as: Relief work Uplifting from poverty (development) Poor people as able to handle shocks Changing roles and alternative within the relief-development continuum Reducing vulnerability to shocks/ increasing resilience as an anti-poverty approach (WorldBank)
From Mcgray et al (2007) DRM as: Adaptation Development “discrete adaptation”- development programs can advance adaptation goals Responding to impacts Reducing vulnerability
From Heijmans (2009) DRM as: Top-down DRM Community-based disaster risk reduction Technical solutions DRM as governance and human rights DRM as transforming power relations
Bibliography: Erving Goffman. Frame Analysis: an Essay on the Organization of Experience. 1974
Annelies Heijmans “THE SOCIAL LIFE OF COMMUNITY-BASED DISASTER RISK REDUCTION: ORIGINS, POLITICS AND FRAMING”. 2009
Christoplos, Ian, John Mitchell and Anna Liljelund. Re-framing Risk: The Changing Context of Disaster Mitigation and Preparedness. 2001
McGray, Heather, Anne Hamm ill and Rob Bradley. Weathering the Storm: Options for Framing Adaptation and Development. World Resources Institute. 2007
The different meanings and implications of apologize: the confession of the TRC' s case in South Africa
After the first discussion of the final draft in class, the initial idea could be more specific. In this sense , the issue that I intend to study, has to do with the act of asking forgiveness as a basis for a process of reconciliation , through the study of confession in the process of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC ) in South Africa .
In this sense, taking the ideas of Goffman and Austin about the importance of context and the implications within the speech act , he aims to reflect on the idea that characteristics are needed for the act of asking forgiveness fulfill its objective, which is to be forgiven in a context where the expression of repentance and demonstration that it is not a reality and fiction, is a necessary step that forgiveness is legitimate and can be given requirement.
In this sense, the structure of the work may be : 1. Introduction 2. Brief history : review of the context of conflict in South Africa. 3. The TRC process : objectives, guidelines and processes. 4. Ideas to explore the idea of the repentant guilty and the idea of guilty without guilt. 5. Frameworks that need the speech act of apologizing in a process of transitional justice as South Africa ? 6. Conclusions
References: - M. Mamdani, “The TRC and Justice”. In: Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa and the Neherlands, Netherland Institute of Human Rights, SIM Special No 23, Utrecht, año 1999. - Entrevista a J. Derrida por Michael Wieviorka, “El siglo y el perdón”, 1era edición, Ed. De la Flor, año 2003, traducción de Mirta Segoviano. - S. Cohen, “Exhumar tumbas, abrir heridas. Reconociendo el pasado” en Estados de negación. Ensayo sobre atrocidades y sufrimiento, British Council, Argentina. - André du Toit, “The moral foundations of truth commissions. Truth as acknowledgement and justice and recognition as principles of transitional justice in the practice of the South African TRC”.
According to Schutz, there are different realities, and individuals make them real in the moment which choose to believe in one or in another. So starting from this idea of multiple realities, the author finds different provinces of meaning in addition to the life-world: for instance the world of art, the play word of the child, or the world of dreams. Inception movie gives to us an example of this interpretation of reality. In fact it is possible to see during the movie how the actors change from one level to another one creating different worlds, at the moment when they fall asleep. So what I would like to do is to go over again the movie and analyze the structure of the story, in order to see how reality is constructed during different levels.
Possible structure: 1)Introduction 2)Framework and theories 3)Inception movie: the plot 4)Multiple realities: the case of Inception (level by level) 5)Conclusion 6)Bibliography
References: -Frame analysis. An Essay on the Organization of Experience, Erving Goffman, Northeastern University Press edition 1986 -The Symbol and the Theory of the Life-World: “The Transcendences of the Life-World and Their Overcoming by Signs and Symbols”, Jochen Dreher, Human Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2 (2003) , pp 141-163 - "Situation" versus "Frame": The "Interactionist" and the "Structuralist" Analyses of EverydayLife, George Gonos, American Sociological Review, Vol. 42, No. 6 (Dec., 1977), pp. 854-867 - Multiple Realities, Alfred Schuetz, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Jun., 1945), pp. 533-576
Interaction order for people with non visible social stigma
Through this paper I will try to approach the distinc behaviors of people with non visible social stigma and examine their interaction order in light of Goffman's interaction order theory.
Structure
Introduction social stigma and stigma management theories brief literature review on the topic explanation of different behaviors at the workplace/shelter/home of people with non visible social stigma conclusions
Research questions
What is social stigma? How people with invisible social stigma react in different phases of their daily routine and how their stigma affects their behavior? "Passing out or stay in the closet"?
References
Self disclosure and starting a close relationship, Derlega et al, 1998 Social interactions and HIV/AIDS in Rural Africa, Watkins, Zulu, Kohler, Behrman, 2002 Social Stigma, Bos, 2006, Chronic illness and the quality of life, Strauss, 1975 Out of sight but not out of mind: managing invisible social identities in the workplace, Clair, Beatty, Maclean, 2005 The presentation of self in every day life, Goffman, 1959
SECOND DRAFT:
RispondiEliminaIn searching a bibliography for my paper I was able to pick up different ideas that had not emerged before, or just in a uncertain way. In particular, looking for “collective movements” I’ve found two interesting survey (see the bibliography) that make me focus on the collective action frames as meaning construction: “frames help to render events or occurrences meaningful and thereby function to organize experience and guide action. Collective action frames also perform this interpretive function by simplifying and condensing aspects of the "world out there," but in ways that are "intended to mobilize potential adherents and constituents, to garner bystander support, and to demobilize antagonists" (Snow & Benford 1988:198). Thus, collective action frames are action-oriented sets of beliefs and meanings that inspire and legitimate the activities and campaigns of a social movement organization (SMO).[…] But ‘collective action frames are not merely aggregations of individual attitudes and perceptions but also the outcome of negotiating shared meaning’ (Gamson 1992a: 111). Collective action frames are constituted by two sets of characteristic features: one concerns the‘core framing tasks’; the second refers to the discursive processes that attend to these core framing tasks and thus are generative of collective action. Discursive processes refer to the talk and conversations - the speech acts - and written communications of movement members that occur primarily in the context of, or in relation to, movement activities”.
So, rethinking to my proposal, the aim of the research paper could be to reconstruct, in theoretical terms, with the help of the literature and with the evidence of survey on this field, the way in which a movement orientates beliefs and meanings of its participants, but overall what is the discursive processes by which this happens. The second research paper, on which I would base my considerations, deal with this aspect: to demonstrate how discourse makes some forms of action possible and legitimate and, conversely, how collective action transforms the meaning and structure of discourse. Another interesting text that I would take into account is "The logic of collective action" by Olson, Mancur. Contemporary Sociological Theory, Blackwell, Oxford (2002). It is a useful text, I think, because it develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior, examining the extent to which individuals who share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. Instead, to explore more closely the dynamic of movement participation I would base my considerations on "The social psychology of protest" by Bert Klandermans (1996).
So, a draft structure could be:
- Introduction
- A real case: the participation in the Muos movement (just as incipit)
- A brief excursus on the logic of collective action and on the group behaviors (literature and survey)
- The role of the frame in meaning construction in collective action.
- …
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
In short, part of the possible bibliography could contains:
Benford, Robert D., and David A. Snow. "Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment." Annual review of sociology (2000): 611-639.
Ellingson, Stephen. "Understanding the dialectic of discourse and collective action: Public debate and rioting in antebellum Cincinnati." American Journal of Sociology (1995): 100-144.
Olson, Mancur. The logic of collective action: public goods and the theory of groups. Vol. 124. Harvard University Press, 2009.
Klandermans, Bert. "The social psychology of protest." (1996).
Group Session 5 Theoretical paper
RispondiElimina“The whole is greater than the sum of its parts.” Aristotle
Societies might seem from a far sight as a collection of groups of people under different labels and institutional structures; families, couples, friends, colleagues, students, workers, professors, politicians, etc. However, dating back to Aristotle in 300th BC, it was proven that society comprehension is deeper cosmos to study and understand. Using consistent observations, analysis’s and empirical studies we are now able to understand that societies and individuals relationships and interactions are more than a sum of actions that is widely influenced by external and internal factors.
Moreover, it’s more interesting for me to perceive how we could utilize such a natural phenomena of social influence to modify and alter believe, behavior and even an action. Therefore, I aim to first introduce theories of group pressure and social influence, then follow it with reflect on three empirical fields where it was studies how social influence can affect behavior.
Kindly find below my proposed structure on “theoretical paper”:
• Introduction
• Groups dynamic, social influence and its relation on change of behavior
• Development need for social influence utilization
• Utilization of such influence for behavior change (empirical evidence)
o Peer educators in HIV prevention projects
o The Utilization of classroom peer as behavior change agents
o Social Influence a Key Factor to Behavior Change in Transport ( plug plug-in hybrid vehicles)
• Conclusion
• Reference
Proposed papers:
1. Peer education
o http://her.oxfordjournals.org/content/14/2/235.full.pdf+html
2. The Utilization of classroom peer as behavior change agents
o http://books.google.it/books?id=-r8LoWPTyNsC&printsec=frontcover&authuser=0#v=onepage&q&f=false
3. Social Influence a Key Factor to Behavior Change in Transport ( plug plug-in hybrid vehicles)
o Article summarizing the paper
http://sustainablecitiescollective.com/thecityfix/26105/social-influence-key-factor-behavior-change-transport
o Paper https://www.google.com.eg/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&ved=0CEUQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Fpubs.its.ucdavis.edu%2Fdownload_pdf.php%3Fid%3D1411&ei=q8qZUu_aJ8TnywOewoLQAw&usg=AFQjCNGaeMkbUIsADgmHH-CK7Z9F8xqFSw&sig2=7elBiLzg53ICXzHKDS0I8g&bvm=bv.57155469,d.bGQ
Involuntary encounters, the concept of social convention and implications for the plural subject.
RispondiEliminaOn people that do not want to walk together, but just do when forced.
While Margaret Gilbert (1990) described the getting together of two people walking based on the outspoken and silent social conventions among people, this essay aims to describing the exact same situation with one small but essential different assumption in mind. This essay will be taking into account that some people are forced to interact together while in a 'natural' environment they might not have chosen to do so. As Gilbert (1990) started off with a simple concept as 'walking together', she easily continued into 'social conventions' made underway assuming that it would develop 'automatically'. One may assume that social conventions are formed during involuntary interaction just as easy as while being in voluntary-based interaction but one may contest the experience of a plural subject about which Gilbert writes, a shared sense of 'we', and the automatic formation of the convention. More likely it is, that the interaction itself is more or less a convention on its own, however triggered by an external motivation. Intrinsically, those who are involuntarily walking together, may walk away from each other as soon as they would perceive the chance and then nobody "...has a right to the other’s attention and corrective action." (Gilbert, 1990; p.3). This article will dwell on the implications of interaction between people in an involuntary context, with a special focus on collaboration. This essay will try to do so using a number of ethnographic articles describing office, jail and airfield related situations which are typical situations studied in previous literature on forced interaction.
Although - or maybe just because - one experiences an involuntary encounter, like Goffman shows in his Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (Goffman, 1961) participants may develop a certain mechanism while trying to make the best out of a situation and they appear to develop rituals according to Goffman's observations on total institutions (Goffman, 1961). Rituals are fairly easy to built, as rituals do form automatically as long as people keep on repeating actions together. I argue that it is costly to stop a ritual. Going from collaborations to rituals, this essay will perceive rituals as forms of collaborations.
This essay may thus be perceived as defying the possibility of social conventions and the rather weak plural subject formation between people who are involuntarily interacting together and the implications this has for the collaboration between people. Literature stresses the importance of consensus, the role of emotions and the external motivation fuelling collaboration which will be therefore discussed to explore what is different in walking together involuntarily compared to voluntarily walking together. I will propose it is only rational to keep on walking together as long as it benefits the individual actors in some way. Without getting too far into an economical explanation or game theory, this article will show that in most of the presented examples of involuntary social interactions (based on the articles), the costs of walking away can be too high and therefore, walking together may prove beneficial up until a certain point. However, the rituals emerging - a perception on involuntary communication derived from Goffman(1961) - may also turn a forced collaboration into a mutual positive experience. Even in a way that collaboration does not end as soon as the costs of walking away are bearable. Especially for this part, I will turn to ethnographic studies on inmate relations within a women's detention centre.
The essay will be written from multiple perspectives within given situations in which people are not intrinsically willing to collaborate but need to do so based on extrinsic motivations. It is expected that motivations and consequences will result in a struggle between individual and collective gain depending on power relations. People that may not want to interact together may express different ways of staging, different ways of action and communication and this may lead to very unstable or no conventions at all or strong social conventions as examples will show. I will finish with some careful exploratory conclusions that could be drawn from these hypothetical examples and reflect on social conventions between actors in involuntary interaction with Margaret Gilbert's Walking Together (1990) in mind.
EliminaReferences
Dreyfus, H.L. (1993). Heidegger's Critique of Husserl's (and Searle's) Account of Intentionality. Social Research. 60(1).
Gilbert, M. (1990) 'Walking together: a paradigmatic social phenomenon' MidWest Studies in
Philosophy, vol.xv,The Philosophy of the Human Sciences, eds. P.A. French, T.E. Uehling, Jr., and H.K. Wettstein, University of Notre Dame Press; Notre Dame, pp. 1-14.
Goffman, E. (1961). "Characteristics of total institutions", in Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. Doubleday, Garden City: pp. 3-124.
Mahan, S. (1984). Imposition of despair: an ethnography of women in prison. Justice Quarterly. 1, 357–383.
Malvini Redden, S. (2012). How lines organize compulsory interaction, emotion management, and "emotional taxes": The implications of passenger emotion and expression in airport security lines. Management Communication Quarterly. 27(1) 121–149.
Mitchell, R.E. (1971). Some Social Implications of High Density Housing. American Sociological Review, 36(1), 18-29.
Ratliff, D. A., Wampler, K. S., & Morris, G. H. (2000). Lack of consensus in supervision. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 26(3), 373–384.
Schwartz B. (1972). Deprivation of Privacy As a Functional Prerequisite: The Case of the
Prison. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 63(2), 229-239.
Searle, J.R. (1965). What is a Speech Act? Philosophy in America, Max Black (ed.), Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1965; London: Allen and Unwin.
Whittaker, S., Frohlich, D. & Daly-Jones, W. (1994). Informal Workplace Communication: What is it Like and How Might We Support It? Proceedings of CHI’94 Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems,131-137, ACM Press: New York.
Draft 2
RispondiEliminaTitle: Death as a rite of passage in the catholic villages of Hungary
The death and the rituals related to death played a very important role in the life of the community until the mid- 20th century. The development of health care, the enhancing degree of urbanization, the extensive western trends however shifted the „ceremony of death”from people home to hospitals.
However, the stories and anecdotes of the parents and grandparents and the rich ethnographic sources revive this rite which played a key role for centuries in the community and creates the opportunity for us to have an insight into the customs of our ancestors.
The structure of my theoretical paper:
1. Introduction
2. Review, searching for a definition of „rites de passage”
3. International literature review
4. Death as a rite of passage in the catholic villages of Hungary
- „preparing” the dead
- the announcement of death
- visitation of the dead
- vigil
- preparing the coffin
- valedictory
- escort the dead to the cemetery
- entombment
- funeral feast
5. Conclusion
6. References
References
Durkheim: The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1915)
Arnold van Gennep: The rites of passage 1909. University of Chicago Press
Editor: Paládi- Kovács Attila, Title:Hungarian ethnology in eight volumes
publisher: Akadémia publishing house, Budapest 1988-2002
http://mek.oszk.hu/02100/02152/html/index.html
Ivan Balassa- Gyula Ortutay: Hungarian Ethnography and Folklore
Publisher: Intl Specialized Book Service Inc (June 1974)
Framing of Disaster Experience and Responses:
RispondiEliminaThe case of Typhoon Haiyan (Philippine code name Yolanda), Visayas, Philippines
Introduction
The Philippines recently experienced a super typhoon locally named “Yolanda” last November 9, 2013. It affected 8 million people and left more than 4,000 dead, mostly in the central part of the country.
The Yolanda disaster has been in the media and in social networking sites, particularly in Facebook.
How do we understand phenomenon and people’s actions?
How do we give meaning to our experiences?
Research Problem
How are the Philippine typhoon Haiyan disaster experience and the responses framed by disaster risk management (DRM) organizations in the social networking site (Facebook)?
Research Objectives:
Identify and analyze:
What topics are talked about?
Who are the people involved? How are they described? What are their conditions? What are their roles? How are they positioned?
What should we be done?
Significance
Understanding how media and social network frames the disaster experience can be helpful in assessing how the phenomenon is described and constructed. It also gives insights on how solutions and agenda are identified. Such understanding can be helpful in advancing sustainable disaster risk reduction and management in the Philippines. The results from this study can provide inputs to disaster responders in their education and advocacy work.
Methodology
Content analysis of 2 facebook profiles of disaster organizations/responders, particularly:
1. College of Social Work and Community Development (CSWCD)- academic institution
2. Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD)- national government
Data analysis method: Thematic analysis
Related Literature
From Christoplos et al. (2001)
Risk and DRM are framed either as:
Relief work
Uplifting from poverty (development)
Poor people as able to handle shocks
Changing roles and alternative within the relief-development continuum
Reducing vulnerability to shocks/ increasing resilience as an anti-poverty approach (WorldBank)
From Mcgray et al (2007)
DRM as:
Adaptation
Development
“discrete adaptation”- development programs can advance adaptation goals
Responding to impacts
Reducing vulnerability
From Heijmans (2009)
DRM as:
Top-down DRM
Community-based disaster risk reduction
Technical solutions
DRM as governance and human rights
DRM as transforming power relations
Bibliography:
Erving Goffman. Frame Analysis: an Essay on the Organization of Experience. 1974
Annelies Heijmans “THE SOCIAL LIFE OF COMMUNITY-BASED DISASTER RISK REDUCTION: ORIGINS, POLITICS AND FRAMING”. 2009
Christoplos, Ian, John Mitchell and Anna Liljelund. Re-framing Risk: The Changing Context of Disaster Mitigation and Preparedness. 2001
McGray, Heather, Anne Hamm ill and Rob Bradley. Weathering the Storm: Options for Framing Adaptation and Development. World Resources Institute. 2007
The different meanings and implications of apologize: the confession of the TRC' s case in South Africa
RispondiEliminaAfter the first discussion of the final draft in class, the initial idea could be more specific. In this sense , the issue that I intend to study, has to do with the act of asking forgiveness as a basis for a process of reconciliation , through the study of confession in the process of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC ) in South Africa .
In this sense, taking the ideas of Goffman and Austin about the importance of context and the implications within the speech act , he aims to reflect on the idea that characteristics are needed for the act of asking forgiveness fulfill its objective, which is to be forgiven in a context where the expression of repentance and demonstration that it is not a reality and fiction, is a necessary step that forgiveness is legitimate and can be given requirement.
In this sense, the structure of the work may be :
1. Introduction
2. Brief history : review of the context of conflict in South Africa.
3. The TRC process : objectives, guidelines and processes.
4. Ideas to explore the idea of the repentant guilty and the idea of guilty without guilt.
5. Frameworks that need the speech act of apologizing in a process of transitional justice as South Africa ?
6. Conclusions
References:
- M. Mamdani, “The TRC and Justice”. In: Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa and the Neherlands, Netherland Institute of Human Rights, SIM Special No 23, Utrecht, año 1999.
- Entrevista a J. Derrida por Michael Wieviorka, “El siglo y el perdón”, 1era edición, Ed. De la Flor, año 2003, traducción de Mirta Segoviano.
- S. Cohen, “Exhumar tumbas, abrir heridas. Reconociendo el pasado” en Estados de negación. Ensayo sobre atrocidades y sufrimiento, British Council, Argentina.
- André du Toit, “The moral foundations of truth commissions. Truth as acknowledgement and justice and recognition as principles of transitional justice in the practice of the South African TRC”.
Second draft of proposal:
RispondiEliminaAccording to Schutz, there are different realities, and individuals make them real in the moment which choose to believe in one or in another. So starting from this idea of multiple realities, the author finds different provinces of meaning in addition to the life-world: for instance the world of art, the play word of the child, or the world of dreams.
Inception movie gives to us an example of this interpretation of reality. In fact it is possible to see during the movie how the actors change from one level to another one creating different worlds, at the moment when they fall asleep. So what I would like to do is to go over again the movie and analyze the structure of the story, in order to see how reality is constructed during different levels.
Possible structure:
1)Introduction
2)Framework and theories
3)Inception movie: the plot
4)Multiple realities: the case of Inception (level by level)
5)Conclusion
6)Bibliography
References:
-Frame analysis. An Essay on the Organization of Experience, Erving Goffman, Northeastern University Press edition 1986
-The Symbol and the Theory of the Life-World: “The Transcendences of the Life-World and Their Overcoming by Signs and Symbols”, Jochen Dreher, Human Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2 (2003) , pp 141-163
- "Situation" versus "Frame": The "Interactionist" and the "Structuralist" Analyses of EverydayLife, George Gonos, American Sociological Review, Vol. 42, No. 6 (Dec., 1977), pp. 854-867
- Multiple Realities, Alfred Schuetz, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Jun., 1945), pp. 533-576
Interaction order for people with non visible social stigma
RispondiEliminaThrough this paper I will try to approach the distinc behaviors of people with non visible social stigma and examine their interaction order in light of Goffman's interaction order theory.
Structure
Introduction
social stigma and stigma management theories
brief literature review on the topic
explanation of different behaviors at the workplace/shelter/home of people with non visible social stigma
conclusions
Research questions
What is social stigma?
How people with invisible social stigma react in different phases of their daily routine and how their stigma affects their behavior?
"Passing out or stay in the closet"?
References
Self disclosure and starting a close relationship, Derlega et al, 1998
Social interactions and HIV/AIDS in Rural Africa, Watkins, Zulu, Kohler, Behrman, 2002
Social Stigma, Bos, 2006,
Chronic illness and the quality of life, Strauss, 1975
Out of sight but not out of mind: managing invisible social identities in the workplace, Clair, Beatty, Maclean, 2005
The presentation of self in every day life, Goffman, 1959